If I were a Palestinian of the right age, I'd eventually join one of the terrorist organizations.

We want peace, but not at any price.

If I were a Palestinian of the right age, I'd eventually join one of the terrorist organizations.

Iran poses the most serious long-term threat to regional stability.

An independent, strong, thriving and peaceful State of Israel is the vengeance of the dead.

As long as in this territory west of the Jordan river there is only one political entity called Israel, it is going to be either non-Jewish or non-democratic. If this bloc of millions of Palestinians cannot vote, that will be an apartheid state.

As prime minister, I was the Israeli leader who walked the greatest distance in his offers to the Palestinians.

Assad wanted Israel to capitulate in advance to all his demands. Only then would he agree to enter into substantive negotiations. I couldn't agree to this.

Benjamin Netanyahu seems to avoid any initiative.

Either we destroy world terror or world terror will destroy us.

Hezbollah will support Assad to the end because his continuing hold on power is critical to its own survival.

History never repeats itself in the same way.

I am confident the Obama administration will work professionally with any Israeli government.

I am the Israeli leader who met most with Arafat.

I became a prime minister within four-and-a-half years, the shortest kind of career ever in Israeli political history.

I cannot penetrate the soul of Arafat. I cannot know in advance whether, behind all the masks, he's the kind of leader who can reach an agreement or whether he wants to be the Moses of the Palestinians, staying in front of the river and not crossing into the promised land.

I delivered lectures, and I was also a consultant for international companies in finance, both private equity and big venture capital funds.

I do not believe the efforts of the international community to stop Iran's nuclear program will bear fruit.

I don't do anything to impress anyone, quite successfully I can tell you.

I don't feel opportunistic ever, in anything.

I don't hate people. I just accept missions.

I don't think that the Iranians, even if they got the bomb, they're going to drop it immediately on some neighbor. They fully understand what might follow. They're radical, but not total mishuginas.

I fought against Palestinians. I saw them.

I have acquired - some would say deservedly - quite a few rivals: former Israeli politicians, some of whom at their height were stars beloved by large parts of the public. But today, they aren't in politics, and when they sit alone in their room, they say to themselves that Barak is the one who showed them out the door.

I hope any government formed in Egypt will understand there is no choice but to maintain the framework of international agreements, which include the peace agreement with Israel.

I know Fiat plans to start manufacturing cars in Iran. This is wrong.

I know that I am absolutely reliable. Absolutely.

I tend not to believe radical Muslim movements.

I think first of all that Iran is a problem for the whole world.

I think that Jordan is strong. I think that they will hold on. I believe that they've already opened their parliament and their system, the press and others, to many voices... And I hope and wish that they will remain stable for a long time.

I will not discuss future hypothetical situations.

I'm in the government to make sure that if there's an opportunity to make peace, it won't be missed.

I'm no wealthier than Bibi Netanyahu or Arik Sharon. I don't feel that I'm more hedonistic than Ehud Olmert, or Yitzhak Rabin or Shimon Peres.

I'm not a tycoon or anything like that. Does my property amount to several million dollars? Of course it does.

I'm not afraid of elections. I've won every election I've fought in.

I'm such a failed politician that all of my rivals have disappeared, on both sides.

If Israel does not find the way to disengage from the Palestinians, its future might resemble the experience of Belfast or Bosnia - two communities bleeding each other to death for generations.

If you establish a right unity government, you create an effective platform to make... decisions because you have wider support of your own party.

In Israel, generally speaking, politics is much more familiar than any other place. We all know each other.

In Israel, there is a peace camp that can convene 200,000 people in central square of this city, on very short notice, and there is a major movement among academics, politicians, thinkers, and public leaders for peace, even at a painful price. On the Palestinian side, you can find them individually here and there, but there is no public movement.

International legitimacy is a fundamental source of power for Israel nowadays.

Iran sees India, China, Pakistan and, allegedly, Israel around them with nuclear weapons.

Israel cannot afford to be duped.

Israel fits into the zeitgeist of our era. It is true that there are demographic threats to its existence. That is why a separation from the Palestinians is a compelling imperative.

Israel is much more effective when the Israelis are convinced that we are on the moral high ground: that we are acting not just out of might, but also out of right.

Israel is the strongest nation in the Middle East, but we have to apply our strength wisely.

Israel will continue to act proactively to prevent the transfer of heavy missiles or advanced air defense systems from Syria to Hezbollah in southern Lebanon, which, of course, carries the risk of a military showdown.

It's the role of a government to defend its soldiers and its citizens.

Ladies and gentlemen, the relevant question is not when Iran will get the bomb. The relevant question is at what stage can we no longer stop Iran from getting the bomb.