In 1790 we had less than eight hundred thousand slaves. Under our mild and humane administration of the system they have increased above four millions.

Neither these statesmen nor their constituents sought in any way to use the Government for the interest of themselves or their section, or for the injury of a single member of the Confederacy.

We have not sought this conflict; we have sought too long to avoid it; our forbearance has been construed into weakness, our magnanimity into fear, until the vindication of our manhood, as well as the defence of our rights, is required at our hands.

Conflicting commercial regulations of the different States shackled and diminished both foreign and domestic trade; hence the power to regulate commerce was conferred.

Mr. Tyler acquired Texas by voluntary compact, and Mr. Polk California and New Mexico by successful war.

Certainly there was no just cause of complaint from the Northern States - no advantage was ever sought or obtained by them for their section of the Republic.

The basis, the corner-stone of this Government, was the perfect equality of the free, sovereign, and independent States which made it.

We can today open wide the history of their administrations and point with pride to every act, and challenge the world to point out a single act stained with injustice to the North, or with partiality to their own section.

They demanded a monopoly of the coasting trade, in order to get higher freights than they could get in open competition with the carriers of the world.

With these vast advantages, ordinary and extraordinary, one would have supposed the North would have been content, and would have at least respected the security and tranquility of such obedient and profitable brethren; but such is not human nature.

The principles and policy of these Presidents were marked by the most enlarged and comprehensive statesmanship, promoting the highest interests of the Republic.

When we acquired California and New- Mexico this party, scorning all compromises and all concessions, demanded that slavery should be forever excluded from them, and all other acquisitions of the Republic, either by purchase or conquest, forever.

They all agree, they are all unanimous in Congress, in the States, on the rostrum, in the sanctuary - everywhere they declare that slavery shall not go into the Territories.

In 1790 we had less than eight hundred thousand slaves. Under our mild and humane administration of the system they have increased above four millions.

Peace and commerce with foreign nations could be more effectually and cheaply cultivated by a common agent; therefore they gave the Federal Government the sole management of our relations with foreign governments.

The instant the Government was organized, at the very first Congress, the Northern States evinced a general desire and purpose to use it for their own benefit, and to pervert its powers for sectional advantage, and they have steadily pursued that policy to this day.

The North understand it better - they have told us for twenty years that their object was to pen up slavery within its present limits - surround it with a border of free States, and like the scorpion surrounded with fire, they will make it sting itself to death.

We had a large common domain, already added by the several States for the common benefit of all; purchase and war might make large additions to this common domain; hence the power over existing and future territories, with the stipulation to admit new States, was conferred.

They enlarged the domains of commerce by treaties with all nations, upon the great principle of equal justice to all nations, and special favors to none.

This position of this Northern party brought about the troubles of 1850, and the political excitement of 1854.

Those who tell you that the territorial question is an abstraction, that you can never colonize another territory without the African slavetrade, are both deaf and blind to the history of the last sixty years.

Besides, we had a large debt, contracted at home and abroad in our War of Independence; therefore the great power of taxation was conferred upon this Government.

I very much regret, in appearing before you at your request, to address you on the present state of the country, and the prospect before us, that I can bring you no good tidings.

The mongers brought them together upon a mutual surrender of their principles.

Give us equality of enjoyment, equal right to expansion - it is as necessary to our prosperity as yours.

There were thousands of abolitionists who were free traders.

The door of conciliation and compromise is finally closed by our adversaries, and it remains only to us to meet the conflict with the dignity and firmness of men worthy of freedom.

I consider myself to be a very strong, independent woman.

If they're committed to the mission statement of the RSC, they're going to be happy with me as their chair. If they're committed to another vision, then they may not be happy with me.

I'm not a model, I'm an artist. In one of my videos, I'm doing this shot of me with no make-up on where I've just woken up, and I don't think a lot of people would be comfortable enough to do that. But that's the way I look. This is who I am. Let's enjoy it. Let's just live life to the full while we're all here.

The greatest tragedy of old age is the tendency for the old to feel unneeded, unwanted, and of no use to anyone; the secret of happiness in the declining years is to remain interested in life, as active as possible, useful to others, busy, and forward looking.

Beethoven was a deeply political man in the broadest sense of the word. He was not interested in daily politics, but concerned with questions of moral behaviour and the larger questions of right and wrong affecting the entire society.

It is our choices, that show what we truly are, far more than our abilities.

In ceremonies of the horsemen, even the pawn must hold a grudge.

You have to change things in order to get to where you want to go. And things might get worse. But if you're not getting where you want to be, already, in a sense, it's as bad as it can get.

The work of the individual still remains the spark that moves mankind ahead even more than teamwork.

We have hardly an adequate idea how all-powerful law is in forming public opinion, in giving tone and character to the mass of society.

It's better to burn out than it is to rust.

I don't ride the subway. Either I walk, or I take a New York City taxi.

When I was 20, my husband at the time looked at me said, 'You're fat; go run.' There weren't a lot of tools at the end of the '70s to lose weight. It took me a while to realize what kind of exercise would make me happy and I would look forward to doing. And running became it.

If you meet someone on the street that likes something that you did or likes the way you brought this character to life, that's really rewarding. That's really cool.

Military investigations are designed not to find anyone guilty.

The nicest feeling in the world is to do a good deed anonymously and have somebody find out.

Sometimes the results of a first free election will find the moderates so poorly organized that extreme groups can eke out a victory, as Hamas did when it gained a 44-to-41 percent margin in the Palestinian election of 2006.

Practice the vocabulary of love - unlearn the language of hate and contempt.

You are not any different. You can do anything you want. So many times, I've been asked what I think of women stand-ups. If you actually look around, there are so many female comedians starring in the biggest TV shows.

The birth of any show is always a rough one.

I'm often loose with my tongue. I may have said something about the NAACP being un-American or Communist, but I meant no harm by it.

Being a writer is not the point. Writing is.